The March 2008 elections saw
Malaysia's new opposition pact sweep five of 12 state governments being
contested, immediately dismantling the ruling Barisan Nasional's (National
Front) historical dominance.
Although the Pan-Malaysian
Islamic Party (PAS) had governed the Malay belt state of Kelantan for 18 years
by then, it was largely considered an aberration rather than the norm, with the
dominant United Malays National Organisation (Umno) coming within one seat of
reclaiming the state in 2004.
Both Barisan and Pakatan Rakyat
(People's Pact) will tussle for federal power in a general election that must
be called within a year, but most observers see the incumbents keeping
Putrajaya despite record losses in 2008. Then a loose electoral pact, the
tripartite opposition won 82 federal seats and denied Barisan its customary
two-thirds of Parliament.
While the general pattern over
16 by-elections held since March 2008 indicate that loyalties in the
multiethnic country are largely unchanged, slight shifts are likely to result
in several states flipping over come the 13th General Election.
In the highly-racialised
political landscape of the peninsular, at least four states hang in the balance
after four years of constant politicking in the majority Malay-Muslim country
of 28 million.
While Sabah and Sarawak in
Borneo remained "fixed deposits" for Barisan, which lost just two
federal seats there, the opposition edged the popular vote in the peninsular in
the last election.
The stiff contest in the
peninsular saw Pakatan forming government in Perak by a razor-thin majority of
three in the 59-member legislature but taking less than half the parliamentary
seats available.
Less than a year into its
administration, three assemblymen defected, allowing Barisan to reclaim the
state but only after a protracted constitutional crisis that called into
question the powers of the monarch and the assembly to manage its own affairs.
Although the move angered many
residents in the state, a poll conducted last year by the Democratic Action
Party (DAP), the largest opposition party there, found that the sentiment has
since subsided.
The February 2009 takeover of
Perak also fuelled talk that both Selangor and Kedah would follow suit.
Pakatan's 36-20 majority in Selangor has made that unlikely despite internal
conflict within the People's Justice Party (PKR) in the state and one
assemblyman eventually defecting.
Still, Prime Minister Datuk
Seri Najib Razak has made Selangor a key target for the general elections,
appointing himself Barisan chief there and calling on the Umno-led coalition to
retake the country's richest state by any means possible.
With the state government
coming under fire from Malay hardliners over allegations that its
representatives do not respect Islam and allow Christians to convert Muslims
freely, the community appears likely to swing away from Pakatan and whittle
down its majority.
Pakatan also held a 22-14
majority in Kedah after Election 2008, but Datuk Seri Azizan Abu Bakar's
administration has constantly been rocked by controversy, resulting in at least
four changes to his executive council (i.e., a state-level Cabinet) since
taking power.
The state PAS chief recently
lost the support of his two deputies who refused to rejoin the executive
council this year, leaving just eight out of a maximum 10 'excos' at the
swearing in on February 28.
Umno-owned media are now
convinced Azizan will not last the distance and will be toppled either
internally or otherwise.
But it is not just states won
by Pakatan that hang in the balance. Negeri Sembilan, which only has a slight
Malay majority, was won by Barisan with a six-seat majority in 2008.
Pakatan leaders there have
already targeted four seats which need just a five per cent swing for it to
claim majority in the state.
Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Mohamad
Hassan's position is also said to be shaky with several leaders in the state
jockeying to replace him, including his predecessor Tan Sri Isa Samad, who won
a by-election in the state after serving a three-year suspension by Umno for
money politics.
Jerome Martin is a political analyst and humourist. Some might say both are the same. But he finds that humour can in fact be used to reveal the truth.
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